As Steve Kerr admitted before the Warriors' 118-91 Game 2 victory over the Oklahoma City Thunder on Wednesday to tie the Western Conference Finals at 1-1, there's a "fine line" between good shots and bad shots for the Warriors. In losses such as Game 1, the Warriors' shot selection tends to trend toward the latter (bad shots). In Game 2, their shot distribution was more of the former (good ones).

They never said winning was easy. Some people can’t handle success, I can. I’m giving you cloth talk, cloth. Special cloth alert, cut from a special cloth. How’s business? Boomin. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water. Of course they don’t want us to eat our breakfast, so we are going to enjoy our.

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipisicing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat nulla pariatur. Excepteur sint occaecat cupidatat non proident, sunt in culpa qui officia deserunt mollit anim id est laborum. Sed ut perspiciatis unde omnis iste natus error sit voluptatem accusantium doloremque laudantium, totam rem aperiam, eaque ipsa quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto beatae vitae dicta sunt explicabo. Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem quia voluptas sit aspernatur aut odit aut fugit, sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt.

They key is to have every key, the key to open every door. We don’t see them, we will never see them. To be successful you’ve got to work hard, to make history, simple, you’ve got to make it. They never said winning was easy. Some people can’t handle success, I can. I’m giving you cloth talk, cloth. Special cloth alert, cut from a special cloth. How’s business? Boomin. Egg whites, turkey sausage, wheat toast, water. Of course they don’t want us to eat our breakfast, so we are going to enjoy our breakfast.

Among the Igbo’s the ceremony of naming a child is one event that comes up almost immediately after the birth of a child. The naming ceremony of a child is often referred to as ikuputanwa or igu nwa aha, and it marks the formal presentation of the child to his people who comprise of his kinsmen, family, friends, well-wishers and the entire community at large.

The event is done to fulfill the social-religious obligations that are believed to become activated when a child is born, as well as to thank God for the safe delivery of the child and to ask him to guide the child as he embarks on a journey through the earth.

The naming ceremony process in Igbo land occurs on either the 7th or 12th day after a child is born depending on the locality.

It is pertinent to note that the Igbo calendar is quite different from the Standard English calendar. A week in Igbo land is made up of four days; eke, oye, afor and nwko. This implies that a child is named after 2 to 3 igbo weeks.

For this post, we’ll look at the process in communities that do the ceremony on the 12th day.

In some parts of Igbo land, there’s a myth which many people believe in.

That myth is that until a child is named, he/she belongs to two kingdoms; the kingdom of humans and that of unborn children.

There’s also another myth which states that every child has an option of staying in the world or going back to where he or she came from within the 12 day period. In the past, during this period, the male members of the family would consult diviners and fortunetellers to determine the abilities of the child.

Some Igbo communities are of the opinion that the 12 day period is a resting period for the mother of the child who recuperates after the 9 month long journey to childbirth. She also prepares for the naming ceremony within that period.

On the day of the occasion, friends, family, well-wishers, neighbor etc. all gather at the family’s compound. They are welcomed by the family.

As the ceremony begins, the child to be named is brought out by the paternal grandmother who hands him/her to the father. In some communities, the father carries the child with one hand and carries palm wine on the other.

He pours libations on the ground, and as he prays for and blesses the child, the people present respond with shouts of “isee”, a response similar to that of the Edo’s during their naming ceremony.

How awesome!

The father announces the name of the child when the time is right. In some parts of Igbo land e.g. Ihiala, the eldest male member of the father’s family names the child.

However, others can still name the child. In the olden days, people were named with respect to the day that of the week that they were born. E.g. Nweke, Nwoye, Mgboye.

For instance, Nweke (nwa + eke) shows the child was born on an Eke market day.

{Curled from the Internet for place holding}

Igboland holds many festivities and cultural performances, most notably the masquerades and the new Yam festivals.

Masquerades (Mmanwu) are held in accordance with the community native calendars during festivals, annual festivities, burial rites and other social gatherings. The masquerades are geared in colourful robes and masks made of wood or fabric. Some masks appear only at one festival, but the majority appears at many or all. Masquerades are associated with spiritual elements, as according to Igbo belief, they represent images of deities or sometimes even dead relatives. The identity of the masquerade is a well-kept secret and performed exclusively by men.

In the past, masquerades were regarded as the means for maintaining peace and order and were primarily used as law enforcement agents. The whole village would come out for the ceremony of the colorful masquerades. While entertaining through dances and exhibiting extra-human feats, the masquerades would walk up to certain individuals and loudly expose any bad habits, crimes or misbehaviour of that person. As people would always take corrections from these exposures, the masquerades were effective in keeping up with traditional norms and values in the communities.

With colonization in the 20th century, masquerades became more relevant as an institution for cultural entertainment. Nowadays, they are used more for tourist attractions when they come out in colorful robes accompanied by traditional dancers and music. The masks are determined by local tradition and beliefs. Best-known are those that represent the spirit of deceased maidens and their mothers symbolizing beauty and peacefulness. This masquerade may be accompanied by the elephant spirit, representing ugliness and aggression, which frightens the male spectators away from her beauty. Other characters include the European (Mbeke), a pair of boy and girl (Mba), the boy dressed up as a girl satirising his counterpart, and animals (crocodile, snake etc.) representing various local deities.

The other festival with high social significance carried out by most communities in Igbo land is the new Yam (Iri Ji) festival, which marks the beginning of the harvest seasons for new yam. The festival takes place usually between August and October, though the time varies from one community to the other. The New Yam festival raises the occasion for celebration while offering special prayers to God for a good harvest. It is marked with colorful display of cultural dances and rites, including roasting and toasting of new yams. Obviously, time for feasting and merry-making.

Some other ceremonies worth attending are:

• Chieftaincy coronation, an installation rite carried out by titled men, the elders and initiates on behalf of the community;
• Özö title taking, involving ritualistic initiation;
• Traditional marriage and funeral both mentioned in more detail later in this book.

{Curled from the Internet for Space holding}

 Before European colonization, the Igbo-speaking people were not united as single people, but lived in small-dispersed compounds in the rainforest, built up of clusters of huts belonging to the same patrilineage. The largest political unit was the village group averaging about 5,000 persons, who shared a common market, meeting place and common beliefs and cults. These village groups were ruled by a council of elder age grades, lineage heads and influential wealthy men. 

For centuries, age grades have played (and still do) an important role in village life. Age grades are formed by people born within three to five years from each other, and are a means to create a peer group, foster unity and responsibility, acting mainly as a socio-cultural institution. Communities are segmented in different age grades, and with years passing by, the younger groups ascend the ladder and take over the role of older grades. 

Age grades are initiated by youths at a certain age in their adulthood. They choose a well-respected elder as their patron to facilitate the recognition of their grade among the elders. He acts mainly as a liaison officer between both groups. In the olden days, the newly formed group had to prove themselves for maturity by defending the community against hostile neighbours or enemies. Nowadays, these tasks are substituted with addressing basic community development needs, such as building a school, electrification, water provision etc.

Only if the elder agree that the age grade has performed their task meaningfully with success, and the group is seen as a role model to the community, the group will be accepted to adulthood and is honoured with a name. With this name, the age grade will become part of the decision making process in the community and is seen as the protector of societal tradition and culture. 

An older age grade can decide to retire, which is done upon completion and hand-over of a project to the community. This ceremony, called Igbo-Uche or Otomu, calls for a large celebration, marking the admission of its members to the elderhood. No labour can be assigned to them anymore and they become now the most influential and respected members of the community.

From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, slavery took toll of many weaker communities in this part of the country. With the colonisation in the early part of the twentieth century, the British introduced a system based on ‘indirect rule’ in the north of Nigeria, leveraging the existing northern emir hierarchies. A few years later, the colonial rule decided to introduce this system in the south as well. They commissioned ‘warrant chiefs’ to rule the districts in Igboland, but due to the lack of social hierarchies, the mandate for their authority did not work out as well as it did in the north. After the independence, the role of these district officers was quickly transformed and adapted to Igboland’s ‘traditional’ title society, which used to be based on traditional worship titles.

Before European colonisation, the Igbo-speaking people were not united as single people, but lived in small-dispersed compounds in the rainforest, built up of clusters of huts belonging to the same patrilineage. The largest political unit was the village group averaging about 5,000 persons, who shared a common market, meeting place and common beliefs and cults. These village groups were ruled by a council of elder age grades, lineage heads and influential wealthy men. 

For centuries, age grades have played (and still do) an important role in village life. Age grades are formed by people born within three to five years from each other, and are a means to create a peer group, foster unity and responsibility, acting mainly as a socio-cultural institution. Communities are segmented in different age grades, and with years passing by, the younger groups ascend the ladder and take over the role of older grades. 

Age grades are initiated by youths at a certain age in their adulthood. They choose a well-respected elder as their patron to facilitate the recognition of their grade among the elders. He acts mainly as a liaison officer between both groups. In the olden days, the newly formed group had to prove themselves for maturity by defending the community against hostile neighbours or enemies. Nowadays, these tasks are substituted with addressing basic community development needs, such as building a school, electrification, water provision etc.

Only if the elder agree that the age grade has performed their task meaningfully with success, and the group is seen as a role model to the community, the group will be accepted to adulthood and is honoured with a name. With this name, the age grade will become part of the decision making process in the community and is seen as the protector of societal tradition and culture. 

An older age grade can decide to retire, which is done upon completion and hand-over of a project to the community. This ceremony, called Igbo-Uche or Otomu, calls for a large celebration, marking the admission of its members to the elderhood. No labour can be assigned to them anymore and they become now the most influential and respected members of the community.

From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, slavery took toll of many weaker communities in this part of the country. With the colonisation in the early part of the twentieth century, the British introduced a system based on ‘indirect rule’ in the north of Nigeria, leveraging the existing northern emir hierarchies. A few years later, the colonial rule decided to introduce this system in the south as well. They commissioned ‘warrant chiefs’ to rule the districts in Igboland, but due to the lack of social hierarchies, the mandate for their authority did not work out as well as it did in the north. After the independence, the role of these district officers was quickly transformed and adapted to Igboland’s ‘traditional’ title society, which used to be based on traditional worship titles.

Nowadays, each community consisting of a number of villages, wards and/or clans, can nominate their traditional ruler, also called Igwe or Eze. The Igwe has this role for life and can give titles to his community people, mostly out of recognition for their achievement and character. The title system varies from community to community, but except from different names, the hierarchy itself is in most cases the same. In most communities, the title system starts with the Nze title, given to persons in recognition of their community contribution. When the Nze titleholder reaches the elder age and remains in the village, he becomes part of the Igwe’s cabinet. Upon becoming a senior elder, the Igwe may honour him with the Özö or Ichie title, standing directly below the Igwe. 

These titles and many other chieftaincy titles, each signifying certain achievements come along with privileges and symbols of authority. One could be allowed to wear a red or black cap, to hold a walking stick, an elephant tusk, a horsetail or a fan of ram or cow skin, all dependent on the local customs and the rank of title. Chieftaincy titleholders are privileged to do the “chief handshake”. This handshake starts with touching each other’s hand with the upper-side three times before shaking. If one of the persons does not recognise the other as a chief, even though he might pretend to be one, the touching stops after two times before the shaking. War heroes are a separate category of titleholders, they can wear parrot’s plumes in their hats and are the only ones allowed to dance the war dance. 

Among his cabinet members, the Igwe appoints his Prime Minister and secretary and together with his full cabinet, the Igwe-in-council serves the community in matters of peace, development and values. For instance, he is called upon in cases of resolving internal conflicts. If so, each party needs to bring four kola nuts, a gallon of palm wine and 1,000 Naira to the ruler. The case is put forward, and the ruler will make the final judgement. The money, palm wine and kola nuts are returned to the winner, the latter two being given in most cases to the Igwe as a token of gratitude. The loosing party is expected to pay on top of their deposit the penalty or fine as stipulated by the Igwe. If the parties do not agree with the settlement, the case can be brought to court and fought out in a more formal way.

The Igwe-in council also works together with government, but they do only have an advisory role in this context. Villages and communities have many other groups and opinions represented, to mention the most important ones:

• Town Union, responsible for development and organizing social events of the community. The members of the Town Union are elected by members of the community;
• Councillors, representing the community in political matters in the local government council;
• Youth Organisations, responsible for youth activities;
• Vigilante groups, maintaining security, law and order in the village and community;
• Women Organisations, representing the women and
• Church Organisations, mostly representing Roman Catholic and Protestant believes.

In some communities, the groups listed above may not have any representation. Then, there are many other persons who can play an important role in the community, for instance the school’s headmasters, principals etc.

 [Curled from igboguide.org] - Ekwendigbo gives a lot of credit and respect toIgboguide.org. Ndigbo need more awareness so that our language and culture will not become extinct. EKWENDUGBO encorages  Ndigbo especially those from Bende Area of current Abia State of Nigeria to step up in promoting our language and culture. We have a lot to give the world if all hands are on deck! Ọ bụ ụjọ? Ọfụsa Ogbogho ole? Kalaa nde BENDE?

We, the Igbos, are known all over the world as a people who are ardent in matters of our traditional religion and worship. I clearly remember how, a few years back, the catholic congregation in my hometown – Abagana – sparked serious trouble with the local people by pulling down a local religious shrine in the name of ridding the town of evil spirits and demons. If not for the timely intervention by well-meaning people of Anambra state, I’m sure the incident I’m trying to reference here would have degenerated and became drastic as well as an international news item.

To shed more light on what Igbo traditional religion and worship entails, an eminent Igbo scholar, Arinze F. A., in his book titled: “Sacrifice in Igbo Religion” published in 1978 by University Press Ibadan pointed out that the subjects of worship in Igbo culture and tradition are of three (3) levels which are; Chukwu/Chineke, Ndiichie, and Arusi.

·       CHUKWU/CHINEKE:
We, Igbos, believe that Chukwu is greater than all spirits and beings both visible and invisible to the physical eyes. The various names we have given Chukwu reflect the level of faith and confidence we repose in Him. For instance; Chukwu which is a shortened form of “Chi Ukwu” implies “Great Being.” While, Chineke means “The Being that creates.” We don’t believe anyone can accurately describe Chukwu or make his perfect image that is why in all of Igboland, there is no shrine where an image of Chukwu is carved or painted. In fact, in Igbo traditional religious system, it is a taboo to attempt producing an image of Chukwu.

·       NDIICHIE:
When we talk about Ndiichie in Igbo traditional religion and worship, we are referring only to the spirits of our holy ancestors and not the spirits of all of our departed ancestors. The ancestors we regard as Ndiichie are those that lived their lives on earth according to the Laws of Chukwu – they are the saints or the kind of souls the christians refer to as saints.

Our belief concerning how we should relate with Ndiichie is reflected in many ways. For instance; we, Igbos, first call on Ndiichie when we want to say prayers with a kolanut in hand. We also make libations to them when we want to drink alcoholic drinks in formal traditional events and ceremonies in Igbo land.

We believe Ndiichie fight spiritually on our behalf to protect us from harm and negative attacks. They help facilitate childbearing and survival of any particular lineage, they provide spiritual guidance to those still on earth, and they also mediate between Chukwu and us.

We communicate with Ndiichie through dreams, through apparitions, and through the eyes of holy spiritual seers.

·       ARUSI:
Arusis are elemental beings. The 4 basic elements of land, water, fire, and wind have elemental gods and goddesses who are in charge of everything that concerns them. That is, the formation, development and transformation of land, water, fire, and wind anywhere on earth which makes earthly existence possible. In Igbo traditional religion and worship, these gods and goddesses are lower than Ndiichie but are very powerful and unswerving in their activities such that any man who misapplies their effects will die within a short time.

Some of these Arusis have shrines where they can be approached from, and also they possess material things like servants, trees, animals, piece of land etc mainly because they are more closely connected to the earth than the other two subjects of worship in Igbo traditional religious system.

Ndigbo  find their home in a rich and fertile crescent created by the lower Niger River, predominantly within South-Eastern and a minority in South-Western Nigeria. Their population is  presently estimated to approximate  forty(40) to fifty five(55) million people around the globe. The Igbo homelands are probably one of the most densely populated regions in Africa. 

In Igbo land, traditional marriages are conducted in stages to make sure proper research is conducted before the marriage takes place, In the first stage, the future groom finds the lady he wants to marry and tells his parents.  The future groom accompanied by his father, mother, siblings and close family members .

The Igbo nation takes the issue of leadership in her communities seriously as much as we experience in today’s modern democratic societies. This is so because of the belief that the welfare of her people is dependent to a very large extent on the quality of the men and women entrusted with leadership roles. Nobody is therefore allowed to take up a community leadership position except the person is found worthy in character and commitment to the goals of the community. 

Serwaa Amihere is a Ghanaian broadcast journalist and newscaster who currently works with GHOne TV. The 29yr old beautiful lady who is very stylish and always on point when it comes to fashion is known for wearing classic dresses on set which inspire many young ladies. From corporate wear, casual wear, African prints and more. …

In terms of looks, it is hard to distinguish an Igbo on the basis of looks alone. But one acceptance is that Ndigbo are generally considered nice looking. Many stretch it that their men stand out as handsome while their females are stunningly beautiful (Asamkpete nwaanyị ọma or omalicha ụmụ nwaanyị). These elegantly beautiful ladies are also highly educated and make up the cornerstone of most families  by their high octane fields of academic accomplishments as Accountants, Administrators, Case workers, Educators, Doctors, Lawyers, Pharmacists, Physician Assistants, Nurses, Scientists, Entrepreneurs, Entertainers and Movie Stars. Ever heard about Nolly Wood?